"A vital element in keeping the peace is our
military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action,
so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
Our military organization today bears little
relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed
by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the
United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could,
with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer
risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled
to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this,
three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense
establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income
of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immense military
establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience.
The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in
every city, every State house, every office of the Federal government. We
recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail
to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood
are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard
against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought,
by the militaryindustrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise
of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination
endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for
granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper
meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our
peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping
changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution
during recent decades.
In this revolution, research has become central;
it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing
share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his
shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories
and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically
the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced
a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs
involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual
curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic
computers.
The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars
by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever
present and is gravely to be regarded. Yet, in holding scientific research
and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal
and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of
a scientifictechnological elite.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to
balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the
principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals
of our free society."
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